December 11, 2003
Statement of Nick Nyhart, Executive Director,
Public Campaign
I’d like to start by saying what a privilege it is to
work with Antonio Gonzalez and Stephanie Moore as partners on
this project. Too often, campaign finance reform is seen as a “process” or “good
government” issue, one that is too much of a luxury for
organizations representing underserved communities to spend time
working on.
However, what the Color of Money study we are releasing today
demonstrates is how the current campaign finance system perverts
our core value of equality, of one person’s vote mattering
as much as any others. Campaign money is the currency of our
elections, determining who runs and who wins office. Because
the source of that campaign money is largely an elite white,
wealthy group, people of color are effectively disenfranchised.
For this report, we analyzed more than $2 billion in individual
contributions of more than $200 to federal candidates, parties,
and PACs, over the last two election cycles, 2000 and 2002. We
compared these data with 2000 Census information on race, ethnicity
and income of people ages 18 and over by zip code. The report
provides vivid evidence of how our nation’s system of privately
financed elections disenfranchises racial and ethnic minorities
while providing disproportionate power and access to wealthy
and predominantly white neighborhoods. It’s also important
to note that 85 percent of the campaign contributions we
studied were “hard money” contributions, untouched
by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision Wednesday to hold
up the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act ban on “soft
money” contributed
to political parties. Unfortunately, this remains true despite
the positive decision by the Supreme Court this week to hold
up the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA). Clearly, the Court
believes money does not equal speech and that we can regulate
the role of money in politics to enhance democracy. However,
big money is still drowning the voices of average people in our
electoral system. Regrettably, the Court did not address this
core issue, that candidates and communities without access to
wealth are essentially shut out of meaningful participation in
the process.
Now, I just want to quickly touch on the highlights of our
report. Our analysis shows:
• Nearly ninety percent of the more than $2 billion
contributed by individuals in the two recent federal elections
comes from zip codes that are majority non-Hispanic white.
In comparison, just 1.8% of campaign funds come from predominantly
Latino zip codes, 2.8% from predominantly African American
zip codes, and .6% from predominantly Asian Pacific American
neighborhoods.
• The top contributing zip code nationwide—10021,
on Manhattan's exclusive Upper East Side—is the source
of $28.4 million for federal campaigns in the 2002 and 2000
elections, and is home to 91,514 people ages 18 and over, 86%
of whom are non-Hispanic white. Nearly 40% of the households
have incomes of $100,000 or more. This one zip code contributes
more campaign cash than:
o the 532 zip codes nationwide with the largest percent
of African American population, representing 7,654,609 people
ages 18 and over, 84 times more people than live in 10021;
o the 533 zip codes nationwide with the largest percent of Latino population,
representing 9,355,643 people ages 18 and over, 102 times the number of
people writing the zip code "10021" on the return flap of their
envelopes;
o the 167 zip codes nationwide with the largest percent of Asian Pacific
American population, representing 3,523,852 people ages 18 and over, 39
times the number of people who call 10021 home.
o The zip code 10021 is also the source of more federal campaign money
than is contributed by each of 30 states, with adult population ranging
from 4.5 million to 365,000.
• The neighborhoods supplying most of the money for
federal campaigns in this country are also among the nation's
wealthiest. Nearly one out of two federal individual campaign
dollars comes from a person living in a wealthy zip code, although
just 12% of the adult population lives in these neighborhoods.
Meanwhile, just 5.9% of individual campaign dollars—$118.8
million—comes from poor neighborhoods, although nearly
9% of adult Americans live in these communities. Another way
to look at it: individuals living in wealthy neighborhoods
supply eight dollars for every one dollar that people living
in poor communities give to federal campaigns.
• These disparities play out starkly across America’s
states and cities.
• Beverly Hills, 90021, was the source of just over
$8 million in federal campaign contributions—almost 8%
of the total Los Angeles-Long Beach metro area even though
its 17,000 adult residents represent just one-quarter of one-percent
of the overall population. A change of one zip code digit takes
you to 90221, in Compton, whose 31,0000 residents gave just
$18,650. On average, adult residents of 90021 gave $466 each
in campaign contributions, while residents of 90221 gave 60
cents.
• The Upper East Side of Manhattan, 10021, was the source
of $28.4 million in federal campaign contributions—18%
of the total New York City metro area even though its 91,514
adult residents represent just 1.3% of the overall population.
A trip a few blocks north to the East Harlem zip code of 10035
unveils a striking disparity. The 23,600 adult residents of
this zip code gave just $27,850 over the same two elections.
On average, adult residents of 10021 gave $310 each in campaign
contributions, while residents of 10035 gave $1.17.
• The northwest Washington DC zip code of 20007 was
the source of $8.4 million in federal campaign contributions—about
6% of the total contributed by the whole metro area even though
its 26,500 adult residents represent just .7% of the overall
population. A trip a few miles southeast in the Anacostia zip
code of 20020 shows a striking disparity. The 33,700 adult
residents of this zip code gave just $55,268 over the same
two elections. On average, adult residents of 20007 gave almost
$317 each in campaign contributions, while residents of 20020
gave $1.63.
Thank you for attending this press conference today. I will now turn the virtual
microphone over to Stephanie Moore.
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